The «New People» party held another congress, with the most notable event being the speech by Sergei Kiriyenko, the First Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration and overseer of the Kremlin’s political bloc. He can be considered one of the godfathers of this structure: the party was created with the approval and support of the Presidential Administration (AP). In 2020, regional administrations did not obstruct the party’s efforts to get its lists into legislative assemblies, allowing «New People» to secure an exemption from collecting signatures for State Duma elections. Political strategists Alexei Chadaev and Yevgeny Minchenko, who collaborated with the political bloc, worked with the party.
Sergei Kiriyenko called the party’s entry into the federal parliament in 2021 a «small political miracle» (it wasn’t hard for the party’s leadership and members to guess who the wizard behind this miracle was). He added that many had thought the party would be a «one-day project,» but it «passed the test.» According to the head of the political bloc, «New People» managed to «become an elevator that helped people who had never been involved in politics before get engaged.» He also deemed it necessary to clarify that the party «has always supported the president on fundamental issues.»
From this speech, it’s clear how Sergei Kiriyenko views party projects in general and «New People» in particular. Parties must fulfill their functions: channel the votes of a specific segment of the electorate, serve as one of the «career elevators» alongside the AP’s personnel contests, and support the authorities on key issues. Engaging in politics in the sense of competing for power isn’t necessarily their job. Kiriyenko had previously spoken at the congress of another party, the LDPR, but there he chose different emphases—pointing out that the party had become the second-largest in terms of mandates after United Russia and signaling the political bloc’s desire to displace the Communist Party (CPRF) from its second-place position. At the «New People» congress, the Kremlin’s political overseer presented the party as part of his personnel ecosystem. Notably, Kiriyenko wasn’t the only senior political bloc official present; to his right sat his longtime ally, Alexander Kharichev, head of the department for monitoring and analyzing social processes, who oversees election campaigns and personnel appointments for regional heads. Thus, Kremlin officials demonstrated that the party is their own structure, one they envision in the next State Duma.
Party Chairman Alexei Nechayev picked up Kiriyenko’s pass. «In Russia, there are many politicians who know how to ban, confiscate, and divide. Our mission is to find talented people, help them grow, and amplify the bright things they do,» he emphasized in his speech.
The «New People» leadership clearly understands what their patrons expect, is ready to mirror their rhetoric, and accepts the existing rules of the game and current rituals. For instance, participants in the war with Ukraine were present in the hall, being inducted into the party, with one of them seated at the congress «presidium» alongside Nechayev, Kiriyenko, and Kharichev. Alexei Nechayev spoke about supporting the military and their families. His speech included statements about supporting small businesses and restoring direct elections for municipal heads, which have been abolished in most Russian cities, districts, and villages. In the same speech, he used a phrase long employed by United Russia in its campaigning—Nechayev talked about the «real deeds» the party is engaged in.
Currently, «New People» represents an ideal structure in the Kremlin’s power vertical from the political bloc’s perspective. They ritually support the war, though less vocally than other parliamentary parties, so as not to alienate the urban electorate they’ve been tasked with targeting. Their parliamentary initiatives—like bills against domestic violence or in support of businesses—are aimed at the same electorate. The party also advocates unblocking popular social networks. The State Duma and the ruling party have no intention of implementing these initiatives, but they keep «New People» in the public eye. At the same time, the same «people» propose restricting access to the Russian market for some Western companies and imposing heavy taxes on others wishing to return. This patriotic rhetoric is aimed at the country’s leadership.
Despite its name, the party has hardly produced any bright, standout politicians. The only notable career example is the nomination of Sardana Avksentyeva, former mayor of Yakutsk, to the State Duma. Otherwise, Alexei Nechayev bets on familiar «captains”—graduates of a management training program. These «captains» lead party branches, hold positions in its federal apparatus, and become regional deputies. They aren’t politicians but part of the Kremlin’s personnel system. If needed, they’re ready to integrate into bureaucratic work or carry out tasks from the presidential or regional administrations. The structure doesn’t try to recruit prominent regional figures dissatisfied with United Russia, as «A Just Russia» did during its heyday. At the congress, party membership cards were handed to second- and third-tier secular celebrities: TV host Anfisa Chekhova and folk singer Vlada Miravi. In this sense, «New People» resembles a polished version of United Russia tailored for urban voters. For now, this role suits both the «New People» leadership and their Kremlin patrons.
Calling a Friend
American President Donald Trump and Russian leader Vladimir Putin held another round of telephone talks. The most notable outcome was an agreement to cease fire on energy infrastructure targets. In effect, Putin rejected Trump’s proposal for a full 30-day ceasefire, even though the Ukrainian side was willing to agree. Another relatively clear result of the talks was the decision to hold a hockey match between the KHL (Russia) and the NHL (USA).
The White House and the Kremlin continued to make vague statements about a productive dialogue and its «positive» outcomes. Trump operates in his usual style: constantly reporting successes that don’t materialize in reality. This approach suits Putin and his entourage just fine. Kommersant reported that, during a meeting with Russian business representatives, Putin stated he would demand recognition of all annexed Ukrainian territories as Russian, including cities not currently occupied by the Russian military. In exchange, he is reportedly willing to drop claims to Odesa—a city mentioned directly in Russia’s negotiation demands for the first time. The Russian leader is clearly under pressure from security hawks advocating for the war’s continuation. Putin and Trump’s talks will remain stalled as long as their influence persists at this level. However, in the long term, prolonging the war will trigger another surge of anxiety within the country, as ongoing combat will necessitate a new wave of mobilization.
Shift Worker in the North
Irina Gekht, the former prime minister of the annexed Zaporizhzhia region, has been appointed head of the Nenets Autonomous Okrug. Gekht is a prominent figure among the «shift workers”—second-tier regional officials (mostly deputy governors and ministers) who went to work in the annexed territories hoping for federal promotions. Most of these «shift workers» have become stuck in their new posts: the system isn’t prepared to offer career advancement to so many people. Gekht herself was forced to leave Zaporizhzhia due to conflicts with the region’s «governor,» Yevgeny Balitsky, who, fearing for his own career, has been pushing out prominent «shift workers.» Before heading to the occupied territories, Gekht served as the first deputy governor of Chelyabinsk Oblast, with a stint as a senator, making her a fairly promising official. After returning from Zaporizhzhia, she faced a career pause, which ended with her appointment to the Nenets Okrug.
Before Gekht, only two «shift workers» had become governors. Vasily Kuznetsov took over as head of Chukotka, while Vitaly Khotsenko was appointed to Omsk Oblast. Chukotka is a sparsely populated region, the farthest from Moscow, with a relatively small budget. Omsk Oblast has long been considered a depressed area. During the era of high oil prices, the Nenets Okrug was an attractive workplace—its per capita budget is substantial, and it’s much closer to the capital than Chukotka. But the situation has changed: oil prices are no longer as high, and the region’s northern location keeps budget expenditures significant. The local population is wary of outsiders and fears that the Nenets Okrug might be merged with Arkhangelsk Oblast, dissolving its administration. Formally, the okrug is part of Arkhangelsk Oblast, forming a so-called «matryoshka region,» but it still maintains separate governing bodies and a budget. The Kremlin has long wanted to streamline operations and attempted to merge the two territories back in 2020. This led to mass protests in the Nenets Okrug, followed by a protest vote against constitutional amendments: it became the only Russian region where more than half of voters opposed the changes. The appointment of another outsider has sparked a fresh wave of rumors about a merger, which is unlikely to benefit Gekht. Additionally, under the law, the Nenets governor is appointed with input from the Arkhangelsk Oblast governor (who nominates candidates to the president, after which okrug deputies select the head). The administration of this small entity is limited, making it challenging to accommodate all members of the new leader’s team. Gekht probably didn’t envision this career path, but even this personnel decision might suit her, as «shift workers» are increasingly overshadowed by officials and deputies volunteering for the war. A career window may open for a few more veteran «shift workers”—such as former Irkutsk mayor Dmitry Berdnikov (now deputy head of the so-called «DNR» government), «DNR» prime minister Yevgeny Solntsev, or Anton Koltsov, former head of the annexed Zaporizhzhia region’s government, who has been jobless for a year. They’re unlikely to land governorships in prosperous regions, but, like Gekht, they won’t have much choice.
