The behavior of Russian officials and state managers is increasingly resembling the style of populist politicians. They actively engage in social media, create sensational news hooks, and strive to make it into news feeds. However, unlike genuine populists who target a broad audience, participants in the Russian power vertical aim to capture the attention of one viewer—President Vladimir Putin. A vivid example is Kirill Dmitriev, head of the Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF). He keenly senses the president’s moods and, in response to new demands, has transformed his image: from an expert-technocrat, he has become a public figure deliberately provoking the public. This behavior is likely becoming necessary for career advancement or retaining one’s position.
From Expert to Internet Troll
Kirill Dmitriev, previously reserved in public and on social media, has transformed in just a few months into an active commentator on political events on Twitter, Telegram, and Instagram. «The Chancellor isn’t listening to Daddy Trump and keeps insisting on a ceasefire first, despite the U.S. supporting a lasting peace,» he wrote in response to a tweet by German Chancellor Friedrich Merz.
Dmitriev posts flattering photos and videos with Vladimir Putin, reposts videos about forced mobilization in Ukraine, calls Hungary the «voice of reason in Europe,» shares caricatures mocking European leaders for «warmongering,» actively quotes Donald Trump, posts pictures of Orthodox churches in Alaska, shares congratulations for Russian Flag Day, and even tries to crack jokes. The RDIF head even attempted to engage in a virtual dialogue with Elon Musk, suggesting he watch a video of a bear cub Dmitriev encountered during a trip with a Russian delegation to Alaska.
Dmitriev began actively using social media after becoming Russia’s main informal diplomat in negotiations involving Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin. Before this, the Kremlin fund manager showed little online activity, though he enjoyed public appearances and, years ago, even participated in a TV show in Ukraine. Back then, his public persona was that of an expert: Dmitriev spoke as an authority on economics and investments, a role that aligned well with his position and expertise.
On social media, however, the RDIF head’s persona has shifted. Initially, he emulated the concise, business-like style of Donald Trump’s and his circle’s accounts, but did so cautiously: without all-caps, threats, or insults (unlike Trump). His activity stayed within the behavioral code of Russia’s business elite and didn’t come off as provocative. Gradually, however, his posts became more provocative: Dmitriev began tagging European and American politicians, such as German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, trying to draw them into discussions. His content grew more patriotic, featuring caricatures and viral videos (like the bear cub in Alaska). Ultimately, the RDIF head’s style quickly shifted from expert to scandalously populist.
The New Populists
Dmitriev is not the only figure in the Russian power vertical undergoing this transformation. Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov occasionally allowed himself sharp remarks, but his most scandalous quotes came when he thought the microphone was off. The role of sharp-tongued critics of «Russia’s enemies» was assigned to Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova or Russia’s UN representative Vitaly Nebenzya. At diplomatic events, Lavrov adhered to a strict dress code, but at a summit in Alaska, he surprised observers by appearing in a sweater with the inscription «USSR.» Most saw this as eccentricity and an inappropriate attempt to display patriotic sentiment.
The list of officials indulging in provocation doesn’t end with Dmitriev and Lavrov. A new cohort of «populist governors» isn’t shy about drawing public attention. The head of Vologda Oblast, Georgy Filimonov, deliberately creates loud news hooks and delivers viral statements. The governor of Samara Oblast, Vyacheslav Fedorishchev, tries to act in a similar vein. Alexander Khinshtein, the acting governor of Kursk Oblast, is no stranger to scandalous news: his words are eagerly quoted by the media, and his actions, such as inviting a priest to consecrate his office, reliably make it into news reports.
A Contract for Entertainment
Before the war, provocation in public spaces and social media was taboo for senior officials and state business representatives. Exceptions were rare, mainly among governors, MPs, and some diplomats. Provocation was typical for «old-school» governors who faced real elections, like former Mari El head Leonid Markelov. MPs like Vitaly Milonov or diplomats like Vitaly Nebenzya played the permitted role of ultra-patriots (or ultra-hawks) in the public sphere. In the federal government, this taboo was once broken by former Deputy Prime Minister for Defense Dmitry Rogozin, a former public politician always known for his provocative style.
In the early years of the war, little changed: many officials began wearing khaki and using military rhetoric, but they remained traditional bureaucrats. The exception, reinforcing the rule, was Dmitry Medvedev. He turned his social media into a propaganda tool, fiercely supporting the war and harshly criticizing Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and Western leaders. His criticism quickly escalated into direct insults: Medvedev or his SMM team now strive to coin increasingly offensive epithets for each post. Recently, even U.S. President Donald Trump came under fire, prompting Trump to threaten nuclear submarines to deter Russia. Medvedev went quiet for a few days before resuming posts about «Euro-imbeciles,» suggesting no repercussions for attacking Trump. The former president insists he writes his social media posts himself, which is likely true, though possibly polished by an SMM specialist with journalism or publicist experience.
Medvedev’s flamboyant SMM style is believed to target Vladimir Putin primarily, and it seems to please him, as the Deputy Chairman of the Security Council continues in this vein. However, in the first two to three years of the war, Medvedev remained an exception among the top echelons, confirming that the war itself didn’t alter the etiquette within the power vertical. Changes came from the evolving habits of President Vladimir Putin.
The aging head of state needs entertainment to avoid boredom. This is evident not only in officials’ behavior but also in the abundance of exhibitions, festivals, and meetings that, without the goal of capturing Putin’s attention, have little purpose. The political bloc led by Sergey Kiriyenko excels at this. His team organizes youth rallies, ambitious careerists’ gatherings, and military showcases for Putin. A key element is the «Russia» exhibition—a model of a virtual country loosely tied to reality. Now transformed into a permanent «national center,» it’s a place Putin frequently visits. Kiriyenko’s political bloc has the resources and authority, both formal and informal, to stage such events. Most members of the power vertical lack such capabilities, so they attract the president’s attention through personal efforts. As Medvedev’s example shows, provocation is an effective way to signal loyalty, provided it aligns with Putin’s tastes.
Kirill Dmitriev is no longer just a financier and discreet diplomat but someone who challenges Western leaders to verbal duels on social media. He posts caricatures to provoke them or, conversely, to win over Trump’s supporters. These memes and caricatures may also entertain Putin. Sergey Lavrov is not just a foreign minister but someone capable of provocative gestures that breach diplomatic protocol. Technocratism among governors is out of fashion: media stunts like erecting Stalin monuments, imposing prohibition, or blessing offices are now in vogue. Gift-giving has become another way to catch the president’s eye, and rare governor meetings pass without this ritual, often tied to military themes. Governors arriving empty-handed sometimes puzzle Putin. For instance, he half-jokingly, half-seriously chided acting Komi Governor Rostislav Goldshteyn for not bringing local butter to the Kremlin.
What’s unfolding can be called a wave of new populism, not limited to governors. This populism involves flamboyant, provocative public behavior aimed not at the broader public but at Vladimir Putin. Most citizens are concerned with rising prices and daily struggles, not Dmitriev’s virtual spats with Western leaders, Lavrov’s sweater, or Stalin monuments. Some measures, like Vologda’s prohibition, may even irritate the public, but for the «Putin populist,» the president’s approval matters more than the people’s.
Officials strive to stand out from the bureaucratic mass to attract or retain the top leadership’s attention. So far, this wave of provocation involves those who keenly sense the political climate and Putin’s moods: Dmitriev, Lavrov, Medvedev, and populist governors. But these figures set the tone for others. Dmitriev was once a role model for young technocrats, and now, for ambitious members of the power vertical, it’s time to emulate his public provocation.
